NoNonsense ISIS and Syria by Phyllis Bennis

Author:Phyllis Bennis
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781771133180
Publisher: Between the Lines
Published: 2015-12-24T05:00:00+00:00

In any political struggle, when mass mobilization is replaced by small groups waging military battles, non-participants in the armed struggle become victims, often of the violence from their ‘own’ side. This is most glaring in situations of full-scale civil war, as in Syria.

One of the most influential coalitions of indigenous Syrian political activists is the Local Coordination Committees – Syria (LCC), which came together in mid-2011 in the first months of the uprising. Uniting separate committees and organizations from a number of Syrian cities, by early 2015 their website listed 14 local and regional groups – from Dara and Homs to the Syrian coast, Damascus and Damascus suburbs, and even Raqqa, the self-declared ‘capital’ of ISIS.

In August 2011, when the first calls for US and other foreign military intervention were coming from Syrians inside and outside the country, the LCC issued the following statement:

In an unprecedented move over the past several days, Syrians in Syria and abroad have been calling for Syrians to take up arms, or for international military intervention. This call comes after five and a half months of the Syrian regime’s systematic abuse of the Syrian people, whereby tens of thousands of peaceful protesters have been detained and tortured, and more than 2,500 killed. The regime has given every indication that it will continue its brutal approach, while the majority of Syrians feel they are unprotected in their own homeland in the face of the regime’s crimes.

While we understand the motivation to take up arms or call for military intervention, we specifically reject this position as we find it unacceptable politically, nationally and ethically. Militarizing the revolution would minimize popular support and participation in the revolution. Moreover, militarization would undermine the gravity of the humanitarian catastrophe involved in a confrontation with the regime. Militarization would put the Revolution in an arena where the regime has a distinct advantage, and would erode the moral superiority that has characterized the Revolution since its beginning.

Our Palestinian brothers are experienced in leading by example. They gained the support of the entire Palestinian community, as well as world sympathy, during the first Intifada (‘stones’). The second Intifada, which was militarized, lost public sympathy and participation. It is important to note that the Syrian regime and Israeli enemy used identical measures in the face of the two uprisings.

The objective of Syria’s Revolution is not limited to overthrowing the regime. The Revolution also seeks to build a democratic system and national infrastructure that safeguards the freedom and dignity of the Syrian people. Moreover, the Revolution is intended to ensure independence and unity of Syria, its people, and its society.

We believe that the overthrow of the regime is the initial goal of the Revolution, but it is not an end in itself. The end goal is freedom for Syria and all Syrians. The method by which the regime is overthrown is an indication of what Syria will be like post-regime. If we maintain our peaceful demonstrations – which include our cities, towns and villages; and our men, women, and children – the possibility of democracy in our country is much greater.

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